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IB African Business Careers Club claimed top honours at the Cambridge Africa Together Conference, defeating Oxford, Cambridge, and LSE in a landmark debate on foreign investment in Africa.

Main image: Students from IB African Business Careers Club with Dean Peter Todd | 51�Թ�� Business School

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“Markets are really sociology with bond maths,” says London Stock Exchange CEO at 51�Թ�� Business School

Shamita Harsh — Mon, 14 Apr 2025 10:15:24 +0000

“Markets are really sociology with bond maths,” says London Stock Exchange CEO at 51�Թ�� Business School

Shamita Harsh Mon, 14/04/2025 - 10:15

17 March 2026 News

“Markets are really sociology with bond maths,” says London Stock Exchange CEO at 51�Թ�� Business School

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51�Թ��’s Global Online MBA ranks first in the world for alumni salaries

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What does it take to lead responsibly in an age shaped by AI?

17 March 2026

What does generosity look like in global finance? This question framed the conversation between Dame Julia Hoggett, CEO of the London Stock Exchange and Peter Todd, Dean of 51�Թ�� Business School, at this year’s Joan Woodward Memorial Lecture.

As part of this year’s theme “Give to Gain”, the event, which marked International Women’s Day, focused on how generosity in leadership, mentorship and opportunity can shape stronger institutions and more inclusive markets.

The event honoured Joan Woodward, one of 51�Թ��’s earliest female professors and a pioneering scholar, whose research showed that organisational structures must adapt to their social and technological context.

A sociologist in finance

Opening the discussion, the Dean noted that Woodward’s insight on organisations being fundamentally social systems remains highly relevant today.

“Joan Woodward brought a sociologist’s eye to questions of power, structure and technology – and demonstrated that management is, above all, a social practice.” he said. “It was therefore especially fitting that our speaker this year should be Dame Julia, someone who has carried that social and political science perspective into the heart of global finance. It was a great pleasure to have her with us.”

That perspective has shaped Hoggett’s own career. In 2024, she was awarded a Damehood for services to business and finance, recognising both her industry leadership and her work championing more inclusive workplaces.

“Markets are really sociology with money,” she told the audience. “They’re about how large groups of people think, behave and organise themselves.”

“It was... especially fitting that our speaker this year should be Dame Julia, someone who has carried... [a] social and political science perspective into the heart of global finance.”

Peter Todd

Dean, 51�Թ�� Business School

Trust and access to capital

Exchanges, Hoggett argued, act as essential conveners in the global financial system.

“Stock exchanges bring together those who have capital with those who need it,” she said. “Trust has been at the heart of every transaction in this city for 300 years, and it still is. Maintaining it requires institutions that prioritise trustworthiness.”

“What the world needs is not more trust,” Hoggett said, echoing philosopher Onora O'Neill. “The world needs more trustworthiness.”

That principle has also shaped her views on access to capital: “One of the reasons I care so passionately about public markets is that they are inherently democratising.” she said.

By contrast, she suggested that private markets can concentrate opportunity among already wealthy investors. Supporting companies as they move from private to public funding, she said, helps broaden wealth creation across the economy.

Leadership through generosity

For early-career professionals in the audience, Hoggett emphasised that leadership is about generosity – giving time, mentorship and opportunity to others.

Her advice: “You can lead from any seat in an organisation. Leadership starts when you understand your role in the wider system and take full ownership of it. Master your brief, understand the context and seek to shape outcomes, and you can do far more than you think.”

That spirit reflects the legacy of Woodward herself: a scholar whose work reshaped how organisations are understood and whose influence continues to inspire new generations of leaders to rethink how markets truly work.

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Speaking on the theme “Give to Gain” at the Business School's annual Joan Woodward memorial lecture, Dame Julia Hoggett, London Stock Exchange CEO, highlighted why trust and culture matter for markets – and why access to capital matters for the country

Main image: 51�Թ�� Business School

2 minute read

How protectionism risks undermining the US economy

Jonathan Haskel — Tue, 25 Feb 2025 10:39:25 +0000

How protectionism risks undermining the US economy

Jonathan Haskel Tue, 25/02/2025 - 10:39

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Donald Trump’s announcement of wide-ranging tariffs has threatened to upend the rules of global trade that have been in place for decades, impacting supply chains and businesses across the world.

The US President’s plan has been designed, in his words, to be reciprocal. What could be fairer than this? The theory is that the US will charge its trading partners in response to what they charge them.

What this means in practice is that the US will charge a country based on it having a goods trade surplus with the US. Some countries that do not have a notable surplus will still be hit with a universal baseline tariff of 10 per cent. For example, countries in the European Union will be subject to a 20 per cent tariff, while the UK will face the baseline 10 per cent tariff.

As the consequences of these tariffs will have major consequences for the global economy, it is worth considering the logic that has informed this decision and whether it stands up to scrutiny from an economic perspective.

Let’s say a country, for example the UK, is running a goods trade deficit with Costa Rica of £100 worth for bananas. From an economics point of view such a deficit makes perfect sense: the UK does not grow very good bananas, but we are good at education and financial services, which we export by accepting Costa Rican students, and providing secure banking for Costa Rican residents. Therefore, we run a deficit on goods, balanced by a surplus on services.

President Trump's reciprocal tariff calculation asks: what would the British tariff have to be on Costa Rican bananas to rebalance trade in bananas? He appears to have done this by assuming the tariff would raise an import price by a certain percentage, which in turn would cause British consumers to switch away from imported bananas by another percentage, which would then reduce banana imports. Select those percentages and work out the tariff that would entirely wipe out all imports. Then take half of that number (for obscure reasons) and that is the alleged tariff rate which Costa Rica is charging the UK.

These bizarre counterfactual calculations have nothing to do with the actual tariffs which are imposed. True, our bananas trade is likely affected by tariffs and safety standards on agricultural products. But fundamentally the pattern of trade is determined by the patterns of comparative advantage across different countries. To repeat, if the UK is good at financial services and education and Costa Rica is better at bananas, both are better off with free trade.

What then follows from this?

Firstly, these numbers should not be taken as an estimate of the type of tariffs which the US or any other country faces. Average tariff rates which the UK imposes on the US are well below five per cent when calculated properly - that is, zero per cent on the vast majority of goods, and higher percentages on goods like agricultural products.

We should also not assume that the UK has been given special treatment by having a lower rate than other countries. The US has a slightly lower trade deficit with the UK than with Europe, so the simple maths of this calculation would lead to a smaller ‘reciprocal’ tariff.

Thirdly, we should remember that the US is a relatively closed economy. British imports are around 30 per cent of GDP, American imports are around 15 per cent, so we must not overstate the impact of unilateral American restrictions on trade on the world.

Unless we descend into a full trade war, the economy most hurt by these measures is the American economy.

The right response to these tariffs is to carry on trading and let the US sink under the weight of its own bad policies.

More narrowly, what does this mean for the UK? The effects of this policy will of course be concentrated in certain export sectors, such as the car industry, and I would expect policies to be forthcoming to mitigate that adverse shock. But more broadly, we should stay focused on what will get the UK economy growing: policy to encourage science, clusters and startups.

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Jonathan Haskel takes a closer look at why "reciprocal" tariffs misunderstand the real nature of global trade

Credit: Nuthawut Somsuk / iStock via Getty Images Plus

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Lessons in leverage: How monetary policy could cause financial instability

Ali Uppal — Mon, 17 Feb 2025 15:29:10 +0000

Lessons in leverage: How monetary policy could cause financial instability

Ali Uppal Mon, 17/02/2025 - 15:29

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The chief tool in the central bank arsenal is interest rates. Traditionally, monetary policy uses interest rates to control inflation, as raising rates helps curb inflation spikes. However, the global financial crisis taught us that controlling inflation alone is not enough to prevent a financial crash.

As a result, since 2008 there have been growing calls to use interest rates in a way that supports the stability of the financial system, in addition to controlling inflation. However, my research questions the effectiveness of this approach.

Understanding leverage

Bank leverage is the ratio of a bank’s assets to its equity, or how much it borrows relative to how much it has. After the 2008 crisis, central banks across the world broadly agreed that, given its role in financial crises, bank leverage should be a major focus of financial stability.

To understand leverage, think of buying a house. If you buy a house with a one per cent deposit, you will be more leveraged than if you bought the same house with a 10 per cent deposit – you’re borrowing more relative to the equity that you’re putting in. Intuitively, we understand that this is a more financially risky position to be in.

Now, imagine a bank operating under similar conditions: the more it borrows compared to its equity, the riskier it becomes. Therefore, bringing bank leverage down should reduce their riskiness and, in turn, reduce the chances of collapses that trigger a financial crash.

Here’s where interest rates come into play. According to theory, unexpected rate increases can reduce leverage by making borrowing more expensive. Just as higher rates might discourage you from taking out a big loan, banks might borrow less, reducing their leverage and making them less risky.

On the flip side, lower interest rates encourage borrowing and increase leverage, potentially raising risks. This is why theoretical models claim that central banks could make the banking system safer by raising rates.

The evidence

While it may seem intuitive that monetary policy can support financial stability through reducing leverage, the theory has not been empirically tested. My research fills this gap, and reveals a surprising result: raising interest rates unexpectedly does not only fail to reduce leverage, it actually has the opposite effect of increasing bank leverage, thereby increasing risk.

Why does this happen? In a nutshell, banks are not households. When interest rates go up, banks, like individuals, borrow less. But, unlike individuals, banks also lend money out to others in the form of loans, credit cards and mortgages.

When interest rates rise unexpectedly many borrowers—homeowners, businesses, and individuals—struggle with higher loan payments, leading to defaults. This shrinks banks’ assets and equity at the same time. Instead of making banks safer, this chain reaction raises their leverage. Think of it like taking out a smaller mortgage while your home’s value plummets. Even though you’re borrowing less, your financial position worsens. I refer to this as the "loan-loss mechanism", and I show that this mechanism captures the overall response of banks to interest rate changes from as early as 1984.

For their leverage to decrease, banks would have to see their assets fall and/or their equity rise. But my results show that what actually happens when interest rates rise is that both come down. Conventional theory does not account for this loan-loss mechanism.

And in fact, the latter effect – the fall in equity due to loan defaults – dominates, meaning that losses are so large the net effect is an increase in bank leverage. Going back to the house purchase example, this would be like borrowing less on your mortgage but simultaneously seeing the value of your house drop. Your loan-to-value ratio would worsen even though you are borrowing less.

The role of variable-rate loans

To explain why loan losses occur, it’s important to consider the role of variable-rate loans. When interest rates rise, banks face higher deposit costs because they must pay more interest to depositors. To offset this interest rate risk, banks issue variable-rate loans that adjust with rising rates. This allows them to earn more from borrowers when rates go up, hedging against interest rate risk.

While this strategy works in theory, in reality it shifts the risk onto borrowers. Higher rates make loans more expensive, increasing the likelihood of defaults and posing a credit risk for the bank. In essence, banks are engaging in risk transformation: they trade one type of risk (interest rate risk) for another (credit risk). My research shows that it is indeed banks with the highest proportion of variable-rate loans that experience the most borrower defaults during rate hikes.

Implications for policymakers

For central banks and regulators, these findings are significant. They suggest that trying to achieve both low inflation and financial stability using interest rate hikes alone might backfire. Unexpected rate increases can inadvertently raise bank leverage, making the system more fragile instead of safer.

The lesson here is clear: monetary policy must account for unintended consequences, such as the loan-loss mechanism, that can undermine financial stability. Central banks may need to rely on other tools, such as macroprudential regulation, to directly reduce risks in the banking sector.

Do higher interest rates make the banking system safer?

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Why raising interest rates might make banks riskier, not safer

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Opinion: “Good science” needs purpose, accountability and an explicit ethical stance

Marisa Miraldo — Wed, 15 Jan 2025 12:14:02 +0000

Opinion: “Good science” needs purpose, accountability and an explicit ethical stance

Marisa Miraldo Wed, 15/01/2025 - 12:14

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We like to pretend that science is neutral – that our work is insulated from politics, economics and power. But it isn’t. The funding we receive, the methods we choose and, crucially, the questions we ask – and those we never ask – are shaped by funding, performance metrics, history, social norms, and our own biases. To act as if science floats above these forces is not only naïve, it’s irresponsible.

From the 19th century onwards, scientific institutions were deeply entangled with military power, industrial productivity and colonial rule. Funding priorities were set around national prestige and economic gains. Universities adapted by building reward systems around publications, citations, patents and grants. Generations of researchers were trained to see themselves as specialists accountable primarily to peers and promotion committees not to the communities affected by their work. Within this system, a comforting narrative took hold: “I just do the science; what others do with it is not my responsibility.”

Science that harmed

As a professor, I am painfully aware of the historical lessons that demonstrate how damaging scientific work framed as progress can be.

One example is the many leading scientists and physicians who believed they were helping society while promoting eugenics. In practice, it justified forced sterilisation, institutionalisation, and the brutalisation of disabled people, the impoverished, and racialised communities. Meanwhile, the science was wrapped in the language of public good, making it harder to challenge. The echoes of eugenic assumptions that some lives are less desirable persists today, reminding us of the lasting harm scientists can have on society.

Today, algorithmic systems and social media recommendation systems designed to “maximise engagement” have contributed to polarisation, harassment and mental distress. Built by people who may have wanted to “connect the world” or “democratise access” these systems operate in institutional settings that reward growth, not care.

A pattern emerges: decisions are made far from those most affected and the social, historical, and political dimensions of science are often treated as secondary, if they are acknowledged at all.

Ethical science requires governance that travels with the technology – from research question to deployment – and includes the people and communities most affected.

A manifesto for socially responsible science

If good intentions are not enough, what would it take to change? A manifesto is, by definition, unfinished – it is an invitation to collective work. But I would like to start the conversation by setting out some clear commitments.

1. Name the politics of science, openly and early. Make our values explicit in the design, conduct, and communication of research.

2. Redefine excellence. Treat equity, representation, and long-term social and environmental consequences as core criteria of quality.

3. Practice convergence, not siloed brilliance. Treat lived experience, social sciences and the arts as essential intelligence, not decorative.

4. Share power with those most affected. Move beyond token consultation. Communities and groups most affected by research hold real decision-making power over priorities, methods, data governance, and evaluation of impact.

5. Build systematic processes to surface potential harms, including those that fall outside our immediate field of view.

6. Align incentives with responsibility. Push institutions and funders to reward collaborative and justice-oriented science – in hiring, promotion and grant allocation.

7. Refuse institutional silence and require them to align their investments, partnerships, and policies accordingly.

8. Protect dissent and whistleblowing within science to create a culture that produces socially responsible knowledge.

9. Educate for responsibility, not just technique. Embed history, ethics, social theory, and critical reflection into scientific training. Students must learn not just how to generate but how to situate it in the world and be transformational leaders.

10. Hold ourselves accountable. When we invoke “science for humanity,” “precision health,” or “sustainability,” we treat those words as obligations, not slogans. We measure ourselves against the lived experiences of people and ecosystems, not just against citation counts and patents.

How ethical science is embedded in practice

At a time when “science” is simultaneously invoked to defend public policy and attacked as elitist, I believe good science needs purpose, accountability and an explicit ethical stance. These do not sit only in labs and universities: they run through funders, regulators, publishers, governments and yes, businesses that decide what gets built, scaled, and sold.

Initiatives like 51�Թ��’s School of Convergence Science, where I am Co-Director, the Good Science Project, and the “Science for Humanity” strategy, create spaces that prioritise impact and values, question incentives, and redesign how we judge excellence. They will matter insofar as they shift incentives and decision-making: who sits at the table, what counts as excellence, and how harms are identified and acted on.

The question now is whether we are prepared to turn those intentions into structures, commitments, and convergent practices that make responsibility – not just discovery – the organising principle of what counts as excellent science.

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Scientific research needs to extend beyond good intentions. This is my manifesto for socially responsible science – and why it is so desperately needed

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Will European regulators shape Hollywood’s bidding war?

Tommaso Valletti — Wed, 15 Jan 2025 12:14:02 +0000

Will European regulators shape Hollywood’s bidding war?

Tommaso Valletti Wed, 15/01/2025 - 12:14

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Article at a glance

The European Commission (EC) competition authority is scrutinising rival bids for Warner Bros. from Netflix and Paramount, an unusual scenario
Both bids raise different competition concerns
A frontrunner could emerge if one bidder gets cleared before the other
The EC prefers light-touch remedies
US politics, not Europe, is likely to decide the winner

A bidding saga across the Atlantic

Europe’s competition regulator is simultaneously reviewing competing bids by major US companies Netflix and Paramount to acquire entertainment company Warner Bros. This is unusual and strategically sensitive, given the current geopolitical climate. The bidding saga has attracted significant attention on both sides of the Atlantic.

Both bids raise competition concerns, but in different ways:

The Paramount deal would reduce rivalry between two major Hollywood studios.
Netflix’s acquisition of Warner Bros. would increase market dominance in streaming across Europe

Professor Tommaso Valletti, Professor of Economics at 51�Թ�� Business School and former Chief Competition Economist at the EC, questions whether the EC will act boldly, given its preference for light-touch remedies and geopolitical considerations. US politics, not Europe’s regulators, may ultimately decide the winner.

What’s at stake

Netflix agreed to buy Warner Bros.’ studios and streaming assets in a transaction valued around $82.7 billion. To challenge this, rival Paramount Skydance launched a hostile takeover bid for the entire company, including news network CNN, worth $108 billion, offering shareholders a higher per-share cash price.

The Warner Bros. board backs Netflix, but competition concerns are significant and more complex than the ones associated with Paramount’s bid.

A lack of clear precedent in the EU merger control raises a key question: how will the EC proceed?

Because all three companies operate across Europe and the Americas, the European Commission must review the market implications under its EU merger control framework. A simultaneous review could shape the race. By clearing one bidder, while subjecting the other to a longer investigation, a frontrunner could emerge.

A lack of clear precedent in EU merger control raises a key question: how will the EC proceed? Historically, the regulator tends to favour light-touch remedies, like small divestitures or access commitments, over prohibitions.

Netflix: from scale to market power

Netflix’s story of scale in Europe has shifted to revenue diversification. Netflix already shows signs of pricing power: in the UK, a standard subscription rose from £6 to £13 per month over the past decade. A deal with Warner Bros. would lead to:

Further market concentration: Netflix already holds over 50 percent of Europe’s subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) market. Combining this with Warner Bros.’ studios, HBO Max and other streaming platforms would increase its dominance.
Monopolisation of streaming content: Netflix could control one of the largest content libraries and production pipelines in the world, cutting off production for cinemas and other traditional content platforms.

Netflix could address these concerns through remedies such as divesting HBO Max. Its likely defence would be that its streaming services compete with a broader digital entertainment market, including social media and video gaming. Regulators may accept this argument to some extent, although previous merger reviews have generally used a narrower, SVOD-focused market definition.

Paramount: traditional Hollywood rivalry

Paramount’s acquisition of Warner Bros. raises more traditional competition concerns. Combining two established major Hollywood studios would:

reduce industry rivalry and lead to fewer big players in Hollywood,
increase bargaining power over distributors, advertisers and creators, and
potentially lead to fewer market players, less innovation, higher costs for consumers.

The deal would also continue the consolidation of Hollywood studios that has been ongoing for 50 years, reducing the “Big Five” studios (Disney, Warner Bros., Universal, Paramount and Sony) to four. Disney would remain number one, possibly facing stronger competition from the combined entities currently ranked number two (Warner Bros.) and number five (Paramount).

While the merger could be easier to clear overall, overlaps between the studios, for example franchises between Paramount and Warner Bros., could still raise competition concerns that may be harder to address.

Why Europe and the US may decide differently

Whether the EC’s decision will impact the deal remains uncertain. In the US, regulators face a different and more political context. Paramount’s bid would include CNN, which Netflix is not acquiring. President Trump, a vocal critic of CNN, has previously argued that the network should be sold or restructured. These dynamics may influence the outcome.

Given the current political climate, a European ban on either deal seems unlikely. While the EC can still influence the pace and outcome of the bidding war, the winner will ultimately be decided in the US.

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A rare regulatory scenario could see Brussels tilt the Netflix - Paramount battle for Warner Bros.

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Ragvir Sabharwal on building strong analytical foundations for the next generation

Shamita Harsh — Wed, 15 Jan 2025 12:14:02 +0000

Ragvir Sabharwal on building strong analytical foundations for the next generation

Shamita Harsh Wed, 15/01/2025 - 12:14

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As a senior teaching fellow at 51�Թ�� Business School, Dr Ragvir Sabharwal teaches probability, statistics, and econometrics to students on the BSc Economics, Finance and Data Science (EFDS) and MSc Business Analytics programmes. He also serves as Head of Year for the EFDS programme, guiding students through one of 51�Թ��’s first-of-its-kind degree with a uniquely modern curriculum.

From high-dimensional data to classroom impact

Combining methods from statistics and economics, Dr Sabharwal’s research focuses on developing models that help analyse complex, high-dimensional data over time. His doctoral work in the Department of Statistics at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), funded by the Economic & Social Research Council, advanced methods for estimating dynamic factor models and detecting structural instabilities in large datasets.

This work contributes both to the theoretical foundations of econometrics and to practical applications in macroeconomic and financial analysis. For example, his research demonstrates how sudden shifts in economic or financial systems can be detected in real-time, enabling models to quickly recalibrate and forecasts to remain accurate even through periods of macroeconomic instability.

Before moving into academia, Dr Sabharwal worked for several years as a competition economist at a leading economic consultancy, advising on antitrust cases in the UK and Europe. This professional experience grounds his teaching in real-world applications, giving students insight into how econometric and statistical tools are used in practice.

Dr Sabharwal has developed and delivered a wide range of courses in statistics, econometrics, machine learning, and causal inference, both in-person and online. He has taught students at BSc, MSc and PhD levels. His consistently outstanding teaching evaluations and multiple teaching awards highlight his ability to make complex quantitative concepts accessible and engaging for students from diverse educational backgrounds.

What excites him most is shaping how students approach data-driven questions early in their studies: “Helping students build strong analytical foundations right from the outset is incredibly rewarding. Rigorous early training will be invaluable in shaping how they’ll approach data-driven decisions throughout their professional lives.”

An academic journey through economics and statistics

Dr Sabharwal’s path reflects a deep commitment to both economics and statistics. He obtained two MSc degrees, one in Economics and another in Financial Statistics from LSE, before completing his PhD in Statistics there. His doctoral thesis developed new tools for handling high-dimensional time series data, tackling challenges that traditional models cannot easily address.

At 51�Թ��, Dr Sabharwal combines his research expertise with his passion for teaching, shaping the next generation of data-savvy economists and analysts. By fostering strong foundations in statistics and econometrics, he aims to prepare students not only to succeed academically but also to become thoughtful, rigorous decision-makers in business, policy and beyond.

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Dr Sabharwal’s teaching focuses on equipping students to think rigorously about data and its role in decision-making

Main image: Ragvir Sabharwal

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Patrick Schneider on household finance and the legacies of institutions

Shamita Harsh — Wed, 15 Jan 2025 12:14:02 +0000

Patrick Schneider on household finance and the legacies of institutions

Shamita Harsh Wed, 15/01/2025 - 12:14

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Patrick Schneider has joined the 51�Թ�� Business School as Assistant Professor of Economics. Specialising in the intersection of macroeconomics, household finance and public economics, Dr Schneider’s work highlights how policies designed to stabilise the economy affect different groups across society.

His current research investigates unconventional macroeconomic stabilisation policies, including the economic and behavioural impacts of early access to retirement savings. Dr Schneider’s work combines rigorous empirical analysis with policy relevance, contributing to a deeper understanding of fiscal interventions and household financial decision-making in dynamic economic environments.

Patrick earned his PhD at the London School of Economics (LSE) where his research focused on how households and firms respond to liquidity constraints and behavioural frictions. His recent work includes “Household Liquidity Policy” (with Patrick Moran), which examines how early access to retirement accounts works as an alternative to conventional stimulus, and how the two differ in their long-term implications.

Translating real-world economic challenges into classroom insights

Before his academic career, Patrick worked as an economist at the Bank of England (2015–18), contributing to high-level policy debates on Brexit and the UK productivity slowdown. He has also held roles in management consulting and the financial sector, and more recently as a macro research intern at Eisler Capital. His policy insights are reflected in publications such as “Market Power and Monetary Policy” (Bank of England Working Paper).

One of his working papers “Decomposing Differences in Productivity Distributions” sheds light on the UK productivity puzzle. Dr Schneider utilised a new decomposition method to show the puzzle is accounted for by a composition effect - workers moving into firms with less productive characteristics - and that this effect is concentrated in the top end of the distribution.

Another more recent paper for the Centre for Economic Performance, “Disunited Kingdom? Brexit, Trade and Scottish Independence” was co-authored with Hanwei Huang and Thomas Sampson and looks at the impact of independence and rejoining the EU for Scottish trade and incomes.

A committed teacher, Patrick has taught widely across economics and public policy at LSE, earning an LSE Class Teacher Award in 2024 for excellence in teaching.

Dr Schneider is keen to equip the next generation of entrepreneurs and said: “I’m most excited to work with our students. Understanding economics is essential to functioning in today’s world, and I want to help our students tool up for their futures.”

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